Tuesday, 22 March 2011

ation|Web optimization|Website seo|Seo optimization|Seo optimisation} Expert Advice - Getting Ahead Using SEO

In relation to success, one of the mot essential things is planning just after conception. Just as in whatever else, preparation is paramount. When you prepare with determination choosing capable of getting ahead of the competition, even the world of internet business. Websites these days making the effort to do the most beautiful to get ahead of competition because of their targeted key phrases through careful planning. Search engine optimisation is the foremost tool used in order to achieve your goals and fortunately, the Seo expert consultancy and tips which have been discussed here will make things simpler for you.

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One of many reasons why lots of people today are searching for Search engine optimisation expert advice is because it really is one of the few strategies that tend to work today online. Search engine optimization can be quite effective when it comes to getting a higher site ranking on engines like google, increasing the variety of visitors on site and improving the level of profits and purchasers. Although a lot of people and anything good Search engine optimisation expert would tell you just how it is a lengthy and complicated process, Seo is really a skill that may be learned. If you employ the help of an expert or if you are using tricks used by experts because of their own sites, then it would be simpler for you to understand the idea and use it to your web site.

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Wednesday, 16 March 2011

People Making Money Online






Welcome to Wise Bread's Best Money Tips Roundup! Today we found some great articles on how to have a successful yard sale, uses for plastic grocery bags, and making money online doing simple tasks.


Top 5 Articles


Turning Trash Into Cash: 5 Tips For a Successful Yard Sale — Make your yard sale a success by promoting it before it happens. [MintLife]


36 Amazing Uses for the Lowly Plastic Grocery Bag — Use plastic bags on your cars side mirrors and wiper blades to keep them free of freezing rain or snow. [Len Penzo]


Make Money in Your Spare Time Doing Simple Online Tasks — Make some extra money by going online and being a user tester. [Lifehacker]


4 Expenses You Must Negotiate — Always negotiate loan fees and interest. [Bargaineering]


3 Questions You Should Ask Yourself To Assess Your Financial Fitness — Assess your financial fitness by asking yourself if you have restocked your emergency fund. [Buy Like Buffett]


Other Essential Reading


5 Things You Must Do In March — Daylight savings time begins in March, so don't forget to enjoy the natural light! [Savvy Sugar]


10 Ways to Encourage Family Meal Time — Encourage family meal time by having different themes for different nights. [Parenting Squad]


Moving - for real or pretend - as a way to reduce kitchen clutter — If your kitchen is cluttered, pretend you are moving and throw out everything you wouldn't pay professional movers to move. [Simplifried]


8 Reasons to Use Your Credit Card — Make sure to use your credit card so you can take advantage of cash back programs. [The Wisdom Journal]


6 Strategies to Stop Wasting Your Raises — Next time you get a raise, don't waste it. Instead, invest it in your job. [Fiscal Fizzle]










Some context:

I am basically a one-man design team for a bimonthly magazine.

As a startup, I was never really making much money here. About $48k.

In fact, marketwise, I was barely getting paid what a single designer should make even tho I am doing the job of at least two people.

I havent received a raise since fall 2007, even for cost of living.

In the time since then, my work (and remember that there is only one designer here) has won us about 6 industry awards.

In fact, in 2010 we won 3 awards and they were all design awards.

The reason I bring all this up is because one would hope that a performance record like that would merit a certain amount of base respect. However since this is the first business my boss has owned, I feel like they are simply spoiled into thinking that this work is just a given. Maybe they just dont know any better.



So now, with the industry souring and ad sales dropping a bit, I have taken a significant pay cut and am now doing all of the advert design that they once jobbed out to freelancers. Ad to that our rush to launch an iPad version and I am now doing far more work for even less money.

I wasnt offered flex time. I wasnt offered furlough days. In fact, for a salaried employee that ends up working heavy deadlines once every two months, my bosses still treat me like an employee that needs to saty til the very end of his "shift" regardless of whether I have work to do at the time.



Another issue (more context) is that they seem to think they have some kind of exclusivity with me. At first they asked that I let them know if I was doing any freelance work, as a "courtesy". But the very first time I mentioned that I was doing a poster on my own time on a dead weekend for a friends band for FREE, my boss acted very butthurt. AS if he should wield a veto power over my work on my own time. This has had the effect of me simply hiding the freelance I do from them. I really dont feel its their business.



So annnnnnnyway. Ive had enough and I am building my portfolio site to hopefully begin shopping myself around. I know the economy sucks, but Im not planning to leave until I get a better offer.



Knowing all that you know about the attitude of my boss presented above, should I worry about them trying to prevent me from using the work Ive created here the last 5 years in my portfolio? CAN they prevent me? Should I be worried?



BONUS: am I being treated unfairly? Ive been in this industry for 15 years and Im giving up hope that Ill ever not work for knobs. Does it suck everywhere?

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Monday, 14 March 2011

Making Money Without


The Government Accountability Office has released a more than 300-page report tallying up 34 areas in which the government has duplicative, fragmented or overlapping programs, and an additional 47 areas where better management or spending decisions could save us money or raise revenue without any obvious loss to program effectiveness. Don't let the length of the report scare you off from giving it a look: The first set of recommendations is summarized on pages 5-7, and the second set on pages 155-158.



In general, I think conservatives tend to be more excited about these reports than liberals. Sen. Tom Coburn's office not only churns these sorts of reports out on a daily basis, but it also authored the amendment that led to the GAO producing this paper. That's a lost opportunity for liberals: It's the people who believe in government who should be angriest and most insistent on taking action when it fails to work, not the people who believe government can't work and see failure and inefficiency as proof for their argument. I give Coburn a lot of credit for the work he and his staff put in to identifying places where we could save money without hurting outcomes, but his crusade is inexcusably lonely. The Mark Warners of the world should be at least as loud on this issue. The necessary partner to big -- or at least biggish -- government is good government.



People will argue, of course, whether every item in here really is waste, fraud or abuse. But the GAO is considered pretty good at its job, and I think it's safe to say that most of this stuff is low-hanging fruit in terms of saving or raising money and making the bureaucracy work a little bit better. It won't solve our budget problems -- we need to get health-care costs under control to do that -- but it'd do some good. And that should be enough.



It’s nearing two weeks since unions and their cohorts on the Left have thrown a nationwide fit over Scott Walker’s solution to what is ailing Wisconsin. Unions and Democrats have made Wisconsin their cause célèbre by deploying OFA astroturf, the big talking heads, as well as recruiting just about every known Grateful Dead concert attendee on their mailing lists into Wisconsin. Meanwhile, Democratic state senators (now humorously known as fleebaggers) comically continue to hold the state hostage over an issue of union power, politics and money—nothing more and nothing less.



Despite unions’ long hatred of Scott Walker, the new governor is moving to address both the symptoms of the disease and the disease itself—the public-sector union scheme that has molested Wisconsin’s taxpayers and their children by gaming the system. Unions like Wisconsin’s teachers’ union [WEAC] (which was Wisconsin’s biggest-spending lobby in 2009) have been extraordinarily adept at fixing the system through spending millions to elect politicians who, in turn, reward the unions at the expense of the taxpayers.


Now, in response to Walker’s proposals, the Left has gone overboard in their attempt to protect their stranglehold on Wisconsin taxpayers. Even though unions have made clear that their fight is not about their wages or benefits (they’ve offered concessions), they’ve made the fight all about their “right to be unionized” and the fictitious right to “collective bargaining”—which makes their cause even more despotic.


In making Madison into something reminiscent of the spectacle of the 1960s, unions, Democrats and their liberal cohorts are attempting to make the Wisconsin union battle into a civil rights battle, when it is not.  In fact, the Wisconsin fight, when compared to private-sector negotiations is about: 1) the Scope of Bargaining, 2) Union “Income” Security [Right-to-Work vs. Forced Dues], 3) whether Wisconsin should be the unions’ dues collection agency [payroll deduction of dues], and 4) whether public-sector unions should be ‘recertified’ by holding elections every year.



Contrary to the Left’s hyperbole, Scott Walker’s proposals do nothing to eliminate public-sector workers’ right to association, assemblage, or to petition their government. Even pretending that it is a “rights” issue is a mistake. There is nothing in the U.S. Constitution that requires a government to engage in a back and forth negotiation with a collective of workers. In a poignant piece entitled There is No Right to Collective Bargaining, Public Service Research Foundation President David Denholm summarizes the problem with the unions’ argument, stating:


A law granting public-sector unions monopoly bargaining privileges gives a union, a special interest group, two bites at the apple. First, it uses its political clout to elect public officials. Then it negotiates with the very same officials.


When you consider that between 70 and 80 percent of all local government expenditures are personnel costs, you begin to get an idea of the magnitude of the power such laws give unions.


Not only is there no right to collective bargaining in public employment, it is wrong. Collective bargaining distorts and corrupts democratic government.


Collective bargaining is a process for employer-employee relations that was designed for the private sector. This process served as the model for the development of public-sector collective bargaining without taking into account the fundamental differences between the two sectors.


As Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour explains:


“When they have collective bargaining in Wisconsin, on one side of the table there’s state employee unions or the local employee unions. On the other side of the table are politicians that they paid for the election of those politicians,” Barbour said. “Now, who represents the taxpayers in that negotiation? Well, actually, nobody.”


Even Newsweek’s Evan Thomas noted on Sunday [via Newsbusters]:


The Democrats really depend on these public employee unions in a lot of states for their support and for their political muscle, and public employee unions got a problem here. I want to distinguish between unions and public employee unions. Unions obviously are critical, but in the public sector, public employee unions have a pretty easy time getting a lot of benefits because nobody’s really pushing back all that hard.


Admittedly, Walker’s proposals are a threat to unions in several ways. As Walker’s proposals determine:



  1. The extent of what unions will be allowed to bargain about. Walker’s proposal limits bargaining to wages only, effectively eliminating the WEA Trust monopoly which gets its money from local school boards and runs it through a union-run insurance company.

  2. Whether unions can have workers fired for not paying union dues. According to its most recent financial record on file, WEAC (the teachers’ union) raked in over $25 million in 2009. Walker’s proposal makes paying union dues voluntary, as opposed to mandatory. This goes to the lifeblood of any union. If, for example, 20% of those teachers who are currently required to pay union dues as a condition of employment opt out, WEAC could lose up to $5 million a year in revenue. [It is noteworthy that, in the private-sector, the SEIU will be conducting its second strike at a Pennsylvania medical center over the issue of mandatory dues.]

  3. Whether the state will continue being the unions’ dues collector. Walker’s proposal eliminates’ the employers’ payroll deduction of union dues. Again, while it is commonplace for unions to negotiate payroll deduction, there is nothing anywhere (in private or public sector law) that states that it is an employers’ duty to be a union’s collection agency.

  4. Whether the unions will have to ‘re-certify’ every year to maintain representational status. Of all of Walker’s proposals, this seems to be one that could be considered a ‘throw away’ item in negotiations. If Walker’s other proposals get enacted, and union-represented employees feel that the union is worthless, they can initiate an election themselves every calendar under existing law [see Section 111.83(5)[h]] .


Given the ability of the unions and their co-conspirators on the Left to hijack the issue in Wisconsin over these last two weeks, there appears no way for a “win-win” compromise to be worked out. One side or the other will win. Either the unions and the Left, or taxpayers will prevail.


If the Left wins, all chances of reforming public-sector unions will be tossed aside by weak-kneed Republicans who will then be held hostage by temper-tantrum throwing Democrats (see Indiana for example). In addition, the Left has already painted the entire Republicans party with bulls eyes and has for years. Therefore, there is no reason for GOP governors like Scott Walker, Chris Christie and John Kasich to back down, which puts the Left in an untenable situation as well.


In the meantime, the disciples of Saul Alinsky will continue their prattle, attempting to convince America that the Battle of Wisconsin is something more than a fight over union power, politics and money…even though it’s not.


_________________


“I bring reason to your ears, and, in language as plain as ABC, hold up truth to your eyes.” Thomas Paine, December 23, 1776


X-posted.





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Friday, 11 March 2011

Making Money Ebay

Founded in 2009 by Amanda Steinberg, DailyWorth is often a each day e-mail newsletter that features data on personal literacy and dollars management skewed in the direction of a female audience. DailyWorth’s subjects selection from easy methods to organize your finances to tax tricks to saving assistance. And DailyWorth has an impressive editorial staff to build subject matter. MP Dunleavey, previously a personalized finance columnist together with the Ny Occasions and now a contributor with Bucks magazine, is major DailyWorth’s editorial group.

Despite unions’ long hatred of Scott Walker, the new governor is moving to tackle each the signs or symptoms with the condition as well as condition itself-the public-sector union scheme that has molested Wisconsin’s taxpayers and their youngsters by gaming the model. Unions like Wisconsin’s teachers’ union [WEAC] (which was Wisconsin’s biggest-spending lobby in 2009) happen to be extraordinarily adept at correcting the strategy because of paying millions to elect politicians who, in turn, reward the unions on the expense of your taxpayers.

the Wisconsin battle, when compared to private-sector negotiations is about: one) the Scope of Bargaining, 2) Union “Income” Protection [Right-to-Work vs. Pressured Dues], 3) if Wisconsin ought to be the unions’ dues collection agency [payroll deduction of dues], and 4) whether public-sector unions should be ‘recertified’ by holding elections every 12 months.

place the photos on the internet to demonstrate our projects staff at msnbc.com, and photographer Jim Seida said, why really don't we just publish it being a slide show? I used to be skeptical at first - would that crimp the writing? - but in the end I was advocating undertaking it by doing this when the picture staff was skeptical. I imagined much more many people would examine through it this way, and it might be well worth an experiment.”


commercial fishing boats based mostly in Crescent Town place to sea very last night when the tsunami alert was to begin with broadcast. It truly is better to journey out big waves at sea than at the dock. Now a lot of these boats are working very low on fuel, but they are unable to return to port when the surges carry on, explained Chris Renner, operator of C. Renner Petroleum Co. in Crescent City, which serves the fleet


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On Monday night time, I watched my very first, The Final Word host Lawrence O’Donnell.
Although O’Donnell laudably tried using to focus the audience’s awareness onand hopefully previous, Charlie Sheen trainwreck interview, courtesy of the tragic undertow that threatens to pull Sheen under for beneficial, I used to be overtaken, not by the pulling about the thread, in addition to the voracious audience he serves. It did not make me depressing, it developed me angry.

In the case of celebrities, we are able to be considered a heartless country, basking within their misfortunes like nude sunbathers at Schadenfreude Seashore. The impulse is understandable, to some diploma. It can be grating to pay attention to complaints from folks who love privileges that many of us can not even contemplate. When you can not muster up some compassion for Charlie Sheen, who tends to make much more money for a day’s get the job done than many of us will make inside a decade’s time, I guess I can’t blame you.



Using the rapid tempo of activities on the net plus the details revolution sparked through the The web, it is extremely simple and easy for your know-how sector to believe that it is exclusive: continually breaking new ground and doing important things that no one has actually accomplished before.

But there can be other sorts of internet business that have already undergone a few of the very same radical shifts, and also have just as wonderful a stake from the future.

Get healthcare, as an example.

We generally feel of it as being a large, lumbering beast, but in reality, medication has undergone a sequence of revolutions inside past 200 many years which can be no less than equal to those we see in technology and advice.

Less understandable, but even now inside the norms of human nature, would be the impulse to rubberneck, to slow down and take a look at the carnage of Charlie spectacle of Sheen’s unraveling, but from the blithe interviewer Sheen’s lifestyle as we pass it inside the suitable lane of our everyday lives. To become sincere, it may be challenging for people today to discern the distinction amongst a run-of-the-mill focus whore, and an honest-to-goodness, circling the drain tragedy-to-be. On its own merits, a quote like “I Am On a Drug. It is Called Charlie Sheen” is sheer genius, and we cannot all be anticipated to consider the total measure of someone’s everyday living any time we hear anything funny.

Quickly ahead to 2011 and I'm attempting to investigate usually means of being a bit more business-like about my hobbies (typically audio). Through the conclude of January I had manned up and started off to advertise my blogs. I had developed various numerous weblogs, which had been contributed to by buddies and colleagues. I promoted these routines by using Facebook and Twitter.


Second: the very little abomination that the Gang of 5 around the Supream Court gave us a year or so ago (Citizens Inebriated) basically comprises just a little bouncing betty of its individual that may incredibly perfectly go off while in the faces of Govs Wanker, Sacitch, Krysty, and J.O. Daniels. Seeing that this ruling prolonged the principle of “personhood” to both companies and unions, to experiment with to deny them any proper to operate within the legal framework that they have been organized beneath deprives these “persons” of the freedoms of speech, association and movement. Which suggests (once yet again, quoting law school skilled household) that both the courts really have to uphold these rights for that unions (as individual “persons” as assured from the Federal (and most state) constitutions, or they've to declare that these attempts at stripping or limiting union rights ought to use to big companies, also.






Gaye Gerard/Getty Images




I've been a fan of CM Punk since I first saw him win Money In The Bank at WrestleMania 24. He's got this certain aspect of his character that just makes you want to cheer for him or want to see him get hit with a chair...however I can't seem to want to see the latter though.

I never really followed him during his time on SmackDown (mainly because I don't watch SmackDown that often anymore), but since his arrival on Raw in October he has been one of the main reasons I tune into wrestling on Monday nights.

His mic skills remind me of a younger Chris Jericho, his in ring ability is unmatched by most wrestlers today and, quite frankly, every time I see him...I piss myself laughing.

This guy is hilarious...even when he doesn't mean to be.

I don't know, maybe I'm a psychopath but this guy just cracks me up, especially when he starts to do other peoples taunts (like screaming "Whatsup" during the Royal Rumble or doing Randy Orton's "smash ground thing" during the Elimination Chamber).

The guy just seems naturally funny and it's pretty hard to take a heel that makes you laugh seriously,

Judging from the crowd's reactions the last few weeks I'm starting to assume that I'm not the only one who feels this way, it seems like Punk is going to become the next "Anti-Hero" of WWE whether Vince Mcmahon wants to or not because the "CM Punk" chants are starting to overthrow the "CM Sucks" chants.

If he does turn into a face or tweener however this could serve as a new starting point for the "New Nexus."

That stable has started to show signs of wear and tear over the last few months and even with a new leader it hasn't improved much.

If they follow CM Punk in the new possible direction it could open up the opportunity for different feuds with new people such as The Miz and Ted Dibiase (if he ever gets a push again) while also continuing to battle with John Cena and Randy Orton.

It could also work for the Nexus vs. Corre feud seeing as how right now. The Corre seem to be the big bad guys on SmackDown.

If the fans keep cheering for CM Punk sooner than later Vince McMahon is going to take notice and either have him do something that makes him the most hated man in wrestling or possibly the most cheered man in wrestling.

Am I wrong? What do you guys think? Let the debating...begin!









Meet Buddy Roemer, who hasn’t won an election since the 1980s and lost to America’s most famous neo-Nazi. McKay Coppins talks to the ex-Louisiana governor about his White House dreams.


Buddy Roemer is the kind of politician who likes to use your first name in conversation—a lot.


“That’s a good question, McKay!” he exclaims when I ask him why he decided to become a Republican halfway through his first and only term as governor of Louisiana. “You gotta stop asking these questions!”





Previous LA Gov. Buddy Roemer is considering running for President. Credit: Ethan Miller / Getty Images


Unfortunately for him, that will be one of the easier queries he faces in the coming months, as he tests the waters in a long-shot bid for the Republican nomination in 2012. Roemer hasn’t won an election since 1987. As governor, he became something of a state joke when he entrusted his emotional well-being to a new-age guru who instructed him and his staff to ward off negative thoughts by snapping a rubber band on their wrists and saying, “Cancel. Cancel.” And his only real claim to national fame is losing his bid for re-election to the statehouse in a primary to a veritable neo-Nazi. But today, none of that is preventing him from exploring a White House run.


“Thursday, I’m announcing an exploratory committee,” he says in a cheerful New Orleans accent, making him only the second Republican candidate so far to officially declare his intentions. (The other is pizza magnate Herman Cain.) “And then I will proceed to explore, to think through, to listen to people—I call them plain people—throughout America.”


It’s easy at first to dismiss Roemer as a kook—or, worse, a cynical opportunist looking to cash in a brief, buzzy presidential run for a future book deal or a cushy cable gig. But while his stated campaign strategy is hugely untenable—more on that below—he insists his intentions are sincere. And, well, maybe he’s telling the truth.


“Many will say that ‘he doesn’t have a chance,’ that ‘he’s not to be taken seriously,'” he says, pausing for emphasis and then lowering his voice. “Watch me, McKay.”


So far, Roemer’s platform is thin. He doesn’t have a lot to say about entitlement reforms or Middle East engagement. Instead, Roemer, who served seven years in the U.S. House, appears to be putting all his eggs in one basket, and betting that the message will resonate among populists in both parties. His target: something he calls “the money monster.”


“People are asking, ‘Why are you coming back?’ And I say it’s because there’s a need here. I am unimpressed and frightened by the money culture in Washington…


“Many Congressmen are auctioning themselves off for retirement. You have a health-care bill without any tort reform. I wonder how that happened. You have a financial-regulation bill that doesn’t require major banks to follow the same rules as every other company. Gee, I wonder how that happened.”


His bid to free Washington from the grips of the money monster will start with his own campaign. Roemer says he will refuse to accept donations from corporations, PACs, or special-interest groups, and that he will limit personal donations to $100 per individual. Slate’s Dave Weigel has already pointed out that such an approach to fundraising will make it all but impossible to raise enough cash to launch a credible campaign—but Roemer is ignoring the naysayers.


“I will declare my independence from the ‘all I want is access’ money,” he says proudly, insisting that this is more than just campaign window garnish. Indeed, he says, “I happen to think this is key to fixing most of the problems that are ailing America.” It’s a bold claim, and I press him to outline specific policy proposals that will solve the problem. At first he demurs—“That’s for future times,” he says—but then, as though the thought is just occurring to him, he offers, “When Congress sees the success I have with my own campaign, they will turn and say, ‘How did you do that?’ and ‘How does that work, and how does the Internet work?’ I’m not going to dictate to them.”


Robert Mann, a professor of mass communications at Louisiana State University, and a one-time reporter who covered Roemer when he was in Congress, says the politician has always relished being perceived as a "maverick." As a conservative Democrat, he was one of the first members of the House of Representatives to cross party lines and work with Ronald Reagan. And, later, as a governor hoping for re-election he switched parties because, Mann speculates, "he saw that the state's politics were trending conservative, and he thought it would be easier to be re-elected." (Roemer, on the other hand, insists he switched parties to add partisan variety to the Democrat-dominated state. He points to Gov. Bobby Jindal's election as a success made possible, in part, by his own political trailblazing.)


Of course, this independence comes with some baggage that may not smell so rosy to GOP primary voters. As governor, Roemer vetoed an anti-abortion bill because, he says, it "didn't do enough to protect the life of the mother." And he has a record of supporting environmental regulations that will surely be viewed with suspicion by the party's more adamant climate skeptics.


But while Roemer's maverick persona has a mixed track record of electoral success, Mann says he still has the intuition of a good candidate. "If there's a politician that could talk a bird out of a tree, it would be Buddy Roemer," says Mann. "There's a refreshing quality to his rhetoric, and a freedom that comes with not being beholden to any party."


There may or may not be more to Buddy Roemer than an entertaining 20-minute interview. But even if rhetoric's all he's got, he'll still have an important place in the 2012 primary. Namely: on the stage, drawing attention to every other candidate's dance with the "money monster."


McKay Coppins reports on politics and culture for Newsweek.


Like The Daily Beast on Facebook and follow us on Twitter for updates all day long.


For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.









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Saturday, 5 March 2011

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We are two months into the new year and foreclosures are still a hot news subject. So let’s take a look at how and where we are.


According to Lender Processing Services (LPS) their data indicates about 6.92 million residential mortgages are past due or currently in foreclosure as of the end of January. That is a slight increase from December of 6.87 million. Most likely we are seeing the increase of homes going into foreclosure due to the fact many lenders held off foreclosure through the end of the year because of the foreclosure fraud investigation.


LPS also says the number of loans have risen 8 percent higher from where we were last year. Out of the 6.92 million mortgages not being paid on in the US, about 2.20 million are already in the process of being foreclosed on. About 4.72 million are more than one month past due, while 2.16 million of these homes are about 90 days past due.


So which states still have the highest non-current loans? Florida, Nevada, Mississippi, Georgia and New Jersey still have high foreclosure rates. However, these states are the fewest foreclosure rates Montana, Wyoming, Arkansas, South Dakota, and North Dakota.


According to MBA every state but two saw a drop in the 90 day past due delinquency, North Dakota and Arkansas were the only two states in which 90 day delinquencies did not decline. Total US mortgages that are past due are estimated to be around 8.22 percent, these not including mortgage that are already in foreclosure. MBA numbers for homes that are already in foreclosure averages about 4.63 percent. However according to MBA reports about 13.56 percent are at least one month behind.


Jobs are still slowly on the rise, commodities like gas, oil and food costs are pushing the average American’s budget to the verge of popping and it is only a matter of time before we start seeing foreclosures slowly creep up again.


Question is how the government’s assistance program, HAMP and other loan modification programs continue to help struggling homeowners. Increase discussion about the revamping of the mortgage, lending services and other government agencies will certainly play a role into how our real estate market starts to recover and how soon. As government officials continue to discuss making changes, we can only sit back and see how the next year begins to unfold.



It’s warming up, in advance of a two-day springtime interlude Thursday and Friday. On Wednesday, a high of 46, sun and light wind gusts.


Bernard L. Madoff has long insisted that he was the only one involved in the Ponzi scheme that defrauded investors out of $65 billion and landed him 150 years in federal prison. But in his first interview with the press, Mr. Madoff claims banks and hedge funds ignored signs of his illegitimacy and were actually “complicit” in the scheme.


“They had to know,” Mr. Madoff said. “But the attitude was sort of, ‘If you’re doing something wrong, we don’t want to know.’ ”


Elsewhere in the interview, conducted over two hours in a North Carolina prison visitor room and via e-mail, Mr. Madoff said he was helping Irving H. Picard, the trustee looking to restore lost funds to Mr. Madoff’s clients, including JPMorgan Chase and the Wilpon family, who own the New York Mets. Mr. Madoff also contends that he did not attend the funeral of his son Mark, who committed suicide in December, because it would have created a media circus, disputing reports he refused to attend. [NYT]


Crime & Public Safety


At the funeral for Anna and Yelena Bulchenko, the mother and daughter killed during a stabbing spree over the weekend by, the authorities say, Maksim Gelman, a high-ranking Brooklyn assistant police chief made a rare appearance to offer condolences to the victims’ family. He also offered an apology: ““I’ll always regret that we weren’t able to stop him sooner,” said Assistant Chief Joseph Fox, who led the manhunt resulting in Mr. Gelman’s arrest on Saturday. About 1,000 people attended the funeral in Brooklyn. [NYT] (Also see The New York Post, The Daily News and The Wall Street Journal.)


In an interview from the Bellevue psychiatric ward, Mr. Gelman continued his claims that his arrest was a result of a police “setup.” [New York Post]


In a wrongful death suit against United Airlines, the family of a 9/11 victim successfully pushed a Manhattan federal judge to allow the questioning of a United Airlines employee who they claim made a cellphone call to Mohamed Atta, the leader of the hijackings. [Daily News]


Government & Politics


By the end of the year, all New York homeowners facing foreclosure could be offered legal representation, according to procedures released Tuesday by state court officials. In more than half of the 80,000 active foreclosure cases, the defendants do not have lawyers. [NYT]


Once a prosecutor, always a prosecutor. In his first budget, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo is pushing provisions that would allow the executive branch, through a new Department of Financial Regulation, the power to issue subpoenas and seek testimony in financial fraud cases. Opponents call the move a “power grab,” claiming it gives the executive branch greater authority than the attorney general’s office. [NYT]


Unfazed by his recent censure by a House of Representatives ethics committee, Representative Charles B. Rangel will run for a 22nd Congressional term, filing papers this week. [New York Post] (Also see The Wall Street Journal.)


Naral Pro-Choice New York, the state’s leading abortion-rights group, is investigating its former president’s use of her expense account. The president, Kelli Conlin, left her post last month. [NYT] (Also see The Daily News.)


Schools


A national conference to bring together school officials and teachers’ union representatives was held Tuesday without New York’s highest-ranking school official or teachers’ union representatives. The schools chancellor, Cathleen P. Black, and the United Federation of Teachers president, Michael Mulgrew, had planned to attend the Denver conference, which drew 150 school districts, but declined after tensions rose over Ms. Black’s recent criticism of the first-in-last-out teacher layoff system. [NYT] At the conference, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan did not mention the seniority policy, but earlier versions of his speech criticized last-in-first-out. [New York Post]


Pooches


Hickory, a Scottish deerhound from Flint Hill, Va., won Best in Show at the Westminster Kennel Club Dog Show on Tuesday. She had been named the top-ranked Scottish deerhound for the past three years before winning the big one. So, the opposite of the New York Jets. [NYT] (Also see The New York Post, The Daily News and The Wall Street Journal]


Housing & Economy


The Pratt Institute is supporting a major redevelopment of Myrtle Avenue, a once-dangerous strip through Brooklyn and Queens known as “Murder Avenue.” In January, Pratt opened the flashy, $54 million Myrtle Hall, credited with improving the neighborhood. [NYT]


Donald J. Trump, a Queens native, is interested in buying the Mets. He recently called the current owner, Fred Wilpon, to inquire about a possible sale. [NYT] (Also see The New York Post.)


People & Neighborhoods


Some of the city’s public-housing residents are working New York Fashion Week. [Wall Street Journal]


Eight Coney Island Boardwalk businesses facing closing may be offered stays of execution to remain open for the summer. Alas, Shoot the Freak received no such offer. [The Daily News]



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Monday, 21 February 2011

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Last night in the State of the Union address, President Obama stated that “the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it—in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes. This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. Health insurance reform will slow these rising costs.”


Is it possible that the President has already forgotten that the health care law included a massive expansion of the broken Medicaid entitlement? According to projected national health expenditures from the Office of the Actuary at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), Medicaid spending in 2019 will be $896.2 billion. Without the health care law, CMS projects that the amount would have been $802.4 billion.


This means that the President’s health care law will increase Medicaid spending by 12 percent or about $100 billion annually. The extra spending comes from the additional 18 million or so individuals—mostly non-disabled and non-elderly adults without children—who will now have taxpayers paying their health care bills through the Medicaid program.


Two central components of the law expand eligibility to the government-run Medicaid program and offer costly subsidies to an estimated 20 million individuals to purchase health insurance. With an increasing amount of health care subsidization, taxes will increase, but so will the demand for health care services. This problem is exacerbated because there is very limited out-of-pocket payment for Medicaid. The subsidies and the increased third-party payment will cause health spending to grow, not slow.


Medicaid is a broken program for many reasons. First, national spending on Medicaid has more than quintupled over the past two decades, and about 16 percent of the population is currently enrolled. A primary reason state budgets are out of whack is this explosive Medicaid growth and states’ responsibility to finance a portion of its programs costs.


Despite the massive increase in spending, many physicians fail to participate in the program because of low payment rates and a frustrating amount of paperwork. This causes many Medicaid beneficiaries to receive basic care services in the emergency room.


There is evidence that Medicaid provides beneficiaries with a low quality of care. A recent study from the University of Virginia found that Medicaid patients have worse surgical outcomes than individuals without insurance, even controlling for a multitude of personal characteristics.


Instead of doubling down on Medicaid and its existing structure, Washington should consider major structural reform for this troubled program. To start, the open-ended federal reimbursement of state Medicaid spending, which creates perverse incentives for states to grow their programs unsustainably, must be reformed. Then, taxpayer-financed assistance should be targeted to truly deserving individuals using market-based principles that better align incentives of providers, recipients, states, and taxpayers. This is the path to put Medicaid spending on a more sustainable course.


The President should re-read his law if he believes its passage either improved Medicaid for those on it or reduced Medicaid spending growth.




By Douglas K. Smith, Member, Board of Directors, SeaChange Capital Partners


Social impact bonds, a useful experiment underway in England, is gaining attention on this side of the pond, including from the Obama administration. We are glad to see this at SeaChange (a non-profit group seeking innovative ways to bring capital to the non-profit sector). What is deeply concerning, though, is how some elites are packaging and promoting social impact bonds as yet one more example of everything the market does is good while everything government does is bad. Moreover, these same elites betray a stunningly superficial grasp about how markets actually work.


This is lamentable. Think for a moment about a common method among athletic coaches. Whether its tennis, golf, baseball, or any other sport, coaches know that athletes might get the right or wrong results by doing things the right or wrong way. You might win a tennis match with a sloppy forehand – and, ultimately, if you’re to improve your game, you need to win matches hitting forehands correctly. My skepticism, then, is less about using and learning from social impact bonds than about the ‘right result, wrong way’ advocacy that links them to ideological ‘givens’ about always good markets and always bad government. Moreover, this same overly simplistic positioning threatens to create ‘wrong result, wrong way’ outcomes by too easily producing misuses of social impact bonds in ways that cause them to fail.


For those who’ve not heard of them, let’s answer the Times’ David Leonhardt’s question, “What are social impact bonds?”


The short answer: a vehicle offering investors bond-like returns for taking equity-like risks on investing in potential solutions to socio-economic challenges. The key to success lies in the performance results achieved by the social service providers. If yes, investors gain bond-like returns sourced from cash linked to that performance. If the providers fall short, however, investors suffer equity-like losses. A group called Social Finance is experimenting with social impact bonds aimed at reducing recidivism among inmates in a UK prison. If they lower the recidivism rate by 10% greater than comparable prisons, investors gain between 7.5% to 13.5% returns. If the social service providers fail to do this, investors lose their money.


Let’s first look at the ‘right result, wrong way’ chorus on how social impact bonds derive from the wonderfulness of markets. Leonhardt does this. So does Harvard Professor Jeffrey Liebman in a Center for American Progress white paper on the subject.


Both are enthusiastic about how social impact bonds can bring much needed to capital to serious social ills. Terrific! Maybe we’ll get the ‘right result’. But why must each slide into the all-too-predictable ‘either/or-ism’ that bedevils our search for creative solutions to real problems. Not only do they premise support for social impact bonds on the monotonously dumb meme of ‘markets good/government bad’; but, they do so in ways that threaten to add the phrase ‘market discipline’ to ‘free markets’ and ‘shareholder value’ as yet one more entry in the mindless lexicon of the status quo.


Discipline is not a phenomenon uniquely linked only to markets – a point ignored by Liebman and Leonhardt. We can and do speak just as much about organizational disciplines, network disciplines and personal disciplines. What ‘market’, e.g., explains the discipline used by weekend tennis players to hit forehands correctly? Organizations, too, choose the disciplines used to achieve their purposes. Yes, sometimes those choices are influenced by markets – but not always and certainly not always in ways so ideologically implied by Liebman and Leonhardt.


Liebman notes that too many government programs have disciplines that focus more on defining activities than results. But it does not follow logically or empirically that ‘market discipline’ is the only cure when such an activity-focus has ill effects. (I say “when” because, while there are ill effects to address, Liebman’s ‘either/or-ism’ ignores the good effects of an activity-focus in governmental contexts; namely, the means and ends demanded by notions of fairness and due process inherent in some versions of the rule of law.) Most private sector organizations, by the way, also have various forms of activity-driven disciplines that arise from the operations of their hierarchies, management processes and shared values – patterns that emerge notwithstanding the effects of the disciplines imposed by the markets in which they compete. Consider only the long, sad history of American automakers over much of the last three to four decades. For them, activity-driven organizational disciplines trumped ‘market discipline’.


But the flip side is also in evidence. That is, in addition to observable private sector activity disciplines trumping market discipline, we also see plenty of examples of organizational performance disciplines instead of activity disciplines in the absence of any market. Over the past few years, for example, a range of Georgia state government leaders with whom I’ve worked have shifted their agencies toward performance disciplines for services ranging from driver’s license renewals to job preparedness to prison reform to education to highway maintenance and more. Millions of dollars have been put to more productive use, and dozens of innovations plus much better customer service and new capabilities have been spawned – and all in the absence of any discipline derived from any market.


Both/and. Not either/or. The bottom line: markets might impose performance disciplines on organizations. But, contrary to the ‘markets good/governments bad’ trope, there’s neither any guarantee that the existence of a market equates with a disciplined focus on performance nor the inevitability that the absence of a market prevents as much. Why then is there this deep-felt need by elites to hew their conversations to the ideological line of ‘markets good/governments bad’?


The absence of ‘market discipline’, then, does not prevent any agency at any level of government from a shift to performance: it’s a question of leadership and will. Might social impact bonds help? Yes. But it’s not the kind of sine qua non requirement suggested by Liebman’s and Leonhardt’s all-or-nothing use of a phrase like ‘market discipline’.


Next, the ideological use of ‘market discipline’ clothed in ‘market good/government bad’ rhetoric is, well, unreal. Liebman and Leonhardt are smart and accomplished individuals. They’ve been around. So, why the thundering silence about ‘market discipline’ and, ahem, you know, events of the past decade? How did this ideologically pure ‘market discipline’ work out in financial, residential and commercial real estate, health care, and other markets? Leonhardt points to the wasting of ‘billions of dollars’ in government programs. How about the trillions of dollars of value destruction in these arenas subject to ‘market discipline’?


The concept that market discipline guarantees efficiency and effectiveness is fallacious. Nearly four years ago, for example, it was clear that the performance disciplines used by the best non-profit housing groups far outstripped the performance disciplines used by the private sector in terms of delinquencies and foreclosures. Yet, the private sector got all the capital. So much for ‘market discipline’. What happened there? Was there no market discipline? Was there no link between capital markets and competitive performance?


No. Actually, the reverse. Capital market discipline combined with organizational and managerial disciplines to promote a peculiar kind of performance on private sector players. We all know the nice sounding words that were (and are) used for this: earnings, returns, ‘shareholder value’. It’s just that these melodious sounds became ever more narrowly and loudly linked to unsustainable and even criminal greed through the precincts of the shorter-term, the quicker buck, the larger bonus, and the faster, more untraceable shifting of risk to others. Yes, ‘market discipline’ focused all of the various players on performance – banks, mortgage brokers, real estate brokers, hedge funds, ratings agencies, lawyers, accountants and more. But instead of efficiency and effectiveness that maniacal performance focus gave us control fraud, speculation, looting and managerial–and-casino capitalism.


Does that make ‘market discipline’ evil and bad? No. Remember: both/and, not either/or. Liebman and Leonhardt would recoil at anyone who condemned ‘market discipline’ to be banished from human experience based on these gargantuan failures of the past decade. Why, then, do they crow so loudly in favor of market discipline as a panacea for government and social sector ills? Again, why only a reference to the billions wasted by (some) government efforts and not the trillions destroyed by (some) markets?



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